Albania: behind the "hybrid war", a generation Europe cannot ignore

Since Tuesday 13 October, Tirana has been living to the rhythm of clashes. According to a count by the Albanian Interior Ministry reported by AFP, some 300 people were injured in a week, nearly two thirds of them members of the security forces. Ministries, courts, banks and shops have been set on fire or damaged. On Tuesday 20 October, Prime Minister Edi Rama gave his reading of events: the country is said to be facing a "hybrid war".

Long-standing anger, a sudden flare-up

The violence of recent days did not come out of nowhere. As RTBF recalls, a first wave of protest, nicknamed the "flamingo revolution", emerged in the spring against a luxury tourism project estimated at 4.6 billion dollars in the Zvërnec nature reserve, on the southern coast. The project is associated with Jared Kushner, son-in-law of US President Donald Trump. As early as July, the Albanian Helsinki Committee called for an independent investigation into the police's use of force.

In the autumn, students took over. According to Al Jazeera, they have for months been denouncing the cost of studies, deteriorating teaching conditions and the lack of job prospects. Political scientist Afrim Krasniqi, quoted by the channel, stresses that they demonstrated peacefully for nearly three months without obtaining any real dialogue. Suspicions of corruption targeting senior officials are also fuelling distrust of a government in power since 2013.

"The boiling point of months of suppressed grievances" — Arlis Alikaj, journalist, quoted by Al Jazeera

On Tuesday, hundreds of academics joined the students in a "solidarity march" against police violence, AFP reports.

The government's response: firmness and suspicion of interference

Edi Rama refuses to resign. He reminded Reuters that governments change through elections, and Albania voted in 2025. Speaking to Tirana school principals, he acknowledged, according to a statement from his office quoted by AFP, that the anger rests on real concerns: the cost of living, housing prices, the future of young people. But he claims that the violence is orchestrated and fuelled by foreign actors, with the aim of slowing down accession negotiations with the European Union. He had previously accused Russia and Iran of spreading disinformation online, according to Euronews. At this stage, the sources consulted do not report any public evidence supporting these accusations.

The government has announced a series of measures: lowering the age of criminal responsibility for violent minors, banning social media for under-16s, and a bonus of 2,500 euros for every police officer deployed on the front line. The Prime Minister praised the "exemplary" restraint of the security forces.

These arguments deserve a hearing: the Western Balkans are a known target of influence campaigns, and no state can tolerate its ministries being set on fire.

Brussels and its model candidate

The European Commission reacted as early as 18 October. In a statement, it condemns the arson and the attacks on institutions, asks that those responsible answer for their actions in accordance with the law, and recalls that any response must remain lawful and proportionate. It also recalls freedom of assembly and calls for dialogue.

The balance is delicate. After Montenegro, Albania is one of the Western Balkan countries most advanced on the path to membership, with a target set for 2030, as Al Jazeera recalls. According to the same source, Edi Rama himself framed the choice during a social media livestream, asking Albanians whether they wanted "this" or the European Union.

This is precisely where Europe must be demanding. Turning membership into an argument against protest would be a misreading. The Union is not a stability label granted to a government; it is a community of law. Its criteria concern the independence of the judiciary, the fight against corruption, press freedom and respect for civil liberties. Young people who demand decent universities and honest leaders are not opposing Europe: they are claiming its promise.

One question, from Paris to Belgrade

France would be wrong to watch Tirana from afar. In Le Courrier des Balkans, sociologist Ivica Mladenović compares the mobilisations in Paris, Belgrade and Tirana: different generations of young people, but one shared question about who decides how common resources are used and who pays the price.

Everywhere, the temptation is to respond with order first. Order is necessary, but a state that speaks to its young people only through the police ends up losing the authority it believes it is defending. In the Gaullist tradition, the state is the guarantor of the general interest, not the guardian of those in power. In 2018, faced with a first student revolt, Edi Rama reshuffled his government and promised a "Pact for the University", some measures of which, according to Al Jazeera, have still not been implemented.

Conclusion: set conditions, offer support, listen

France and its partners have a lever: the accession process itself. Rather than unconditional support for Tirana or an awkward silence, Paris could argue for the Commission's next report on Albania to devote a specific chapter to the investigation into the violence, on all sides, and to the funding of higher education, with targeted European support for universities. Enlargement will only succeed with the peoples of the Balkans, and first of all with their young people. The question is put to Brussels as much as to Tirana: do we want stable candidates, or solid democracies?

Article written with the help of artificial intelligence.