Hungary, 70 years after 1956: Magyar reconnects with Europe, the rule of law faces its real test

On 23 October 1956, students in Budapest demanded free elections, freedom of the press and the withdrawal of Soviet troops. Seventy years later to the day, Péter Magyar's Hungary chose this anniversary to signal its return to the European fold. That same week, the Hungarian courts placed in detention one of the economic pillars of the Orbán era. Two images of the same country, which say a great deal about what Europe expects from Budapest, and about what it must demand of itself.

The facts

According to the AP news agency, as carried by ABC News, Péter Magyar addressed tens of thousands of people gathered in Kossuth Square, in front of Parliament, on Friday. He paid tribute to the insurgents of 1956, who fell for a democratic and independent Hungary, and delivered a line that everyone understood as aimed at his predecessor: a leader's power must never count for more than the freedom of his country. He also said that Hungary could not drift forever between East and West.

At his side were Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa. The Commission President welcomed, again according to AP, the "new chapter" opened by Hungarian voters six months ago. It is her first visit to Hungary since 2024, Euronews notes.

Yet the ceremony felt unfinished. According to Euronews, some forty countries sent a delegation, but most member states were represented only by ministers or speakers of parliament. Invitations sent out late, in September, reportedly explain some of these absences. Emmanuel Macron, whose attendance Péter Magyar had announced, did not come: the French embassy stated that the visit had never been confirmed. Euronews links this missed appointment to a message posted by the Hungarian Prime Minister that associated the violence in France with immigration. On 21 October, speaking from Doha, the French President denounced, without naming anyone according to the French edition of Euronews, comments by foreign leaders that were "unacceptable as well as stupid".

That same day, Hungarian police detained György Matolcsy, Viktor Orbán's economy minister from 2010 to 2013 and then central bank governor until 2025. According to the Xinhua agency, a Budapest court on Friday ordered him held in custody for one month. His lawyer told the outlet Telex, quoted by AP, that he is suspected of economic fraud causing significant damage and of using forged documents. The investigation reportedly concerns the central bank's foundations and the renovation of its headquarters. György Matolcsy denies any wrongdoing and remains presumed innocent.

As for Viktor Orbán, he was not in Budapest on the national holiday. The Hungarian website Index found him in Paris, where he said he was on holiday with his granddaughter and would keep his comments until his return.

The positions at stake

For the Magyar government, the sequence is consistent. According to AP, its reforms have unlocked 16.4 billion euros in EU funds frozen under Orbán. RTBF recalls that Russia is now officially designated as a threat to the country's security, and Euronews that Budapest has agreed to open four negotiating clusters in Ukraine's accession process. The fight against corruption, led in particular by a new asset recovery office created in July, is presented as the condition for this recovery.

On the Fidesz side, now in opposition, the ranks are closing. The party held its own commemoration, at which a letter from a former minister now in prison was read out, Index reports. Viktor Orbán, for his part, put off any comment on the arrest of his former minister. One concern, however, deserves a hearing beyond that camp: that a two-thirds majority, yesterday serving one side, might today serve the other. Six months after Orbán's defeat, Hungarian society remains deeply divided, Le Monde points out.

The analysis

It would be too easy to celebrate without reservation. Europe criticised Viktor Orbán for bending institutions to his will. It would be poorly placed to applaud if the new government did the same in the other direction. A "superauthority" able to draw on police, prosecutors and the tax administration, in Péter Magyar's own words as reported by AP, can be a valuable tool. It can also become a weapon. Everything will depend on the safeguards: oversight by judges, the rights of the defence, transparent procedures.

But the demand for justice is not revenge. Accounting for the use of public money, national and European alike, is the very foundation of a state that respects itself. Hungarian taxpayers, and those of the Union, have the right to know what became of the sums entrusted to the central bank's foundations.

That leaves France. Our diplomacy is right not to let an amalgam between domestic unrest and immigration go unanswered, wherever it comes from. But a disagreement over words must not obscure the essential point: a Hungary that turns its back on Moscow and joins the camp of the law is an opportunity for Europe. General de Gaulle knew how to distinguish the moods of leaders from the interests of nations.

Conclusion

France missed a symbolic appointment. It can make up for it on substance. Why not propose, with its partners, that the payment of EU funds to Budapest be accompanied by independent monitoring of anti-corruption investigations, to guarantee both the effectiveness and the fairness of the proceedings? That would honour the insurgents of 1956, who were not asking for a new master, but for free institutions.

Article written with the help of artificial intelligence.